今後,需大量面對此類部品
當然蒸著工程亦係弊社嘅特徵之一
最今狂睇呢本書
歷史上真正屬於大馬全民嘅獨立日
亦只有831同308.
今時今日,大馬仍屬於全國國民嗎?
2010年4月24日星期六
2010年4月7日星期三
一舊水
最近
檳州政府发放乐龄回馈金俾年老者.
有人讚,有人彈,更有人話此做法猶如羞辱老人家,話啲老人只值區區1舊水(RM100)
我喺一個網上民意調查, 睇到一位名為黃林希嘅如此留言,在此分享:
*****
一年前妈妈在新加坡听朋友说槟州政府将发放乐龄回馈金给合格的乐龄人。
妈妈就兴致勃勃的从新回槟，只为了登记，到时就可领取乐龄回馈金，
妈妈身上不缺钱，她也不是一个贪小便宜的人，我们想不通为什么老妈子会为了那区区几百元而抛下她疼爱的孙女回槟登记。
（当时谣传回馈金是三千元，我们推测最多是三百元）
妈妈说区区几百元对她来说虽然是不足为道，可他的新加坡朋友就这么对她说：
在Chua Chu Kang卖蛋的陈老伯说“你们的槟州民联政府是在肯定你们多年默默的付出和贡献，才会发放回馈金，
为何不拿？为何不肯定自己的付出和贡献？“
更何况这些都是你们纳税人的血汗钱，
在你拿钱的时候，你同时也在肯定他们的“hard work“
住在Jurong的Aunty Lucy说：“You have been contributed to your country, to Penang state for so many years, it’s time to take, even though is just One Ringgit.”
妈妈新加坡的邻居李先生说“你们的槟州首席部长林冠英一直都在用心的把槟城搞好，就由你们这些乐龄人去肯定他们吧“
妈妈听了觉得很有道理和感到有一点儿自豪，
因为她的新加坡朋友们都在赞扬我们的槟州首席部长。
槟州人民的勇敢，也让我身为槟州子民而感到非常的骄傲。
只可惜我心爱的妈妈已在去年十月车祸意外逝世，
从此永远也拿不到那“温馨“的一百元了.....
*****
檳州政府发放乐龄回馈金俾年老者.
有人讚,有人彈,更有人話此做法猶如羞辱老人家,話啲老人只值區區1舊水(RM100)
我喺一個網上民意調查, 睇到一位名為黃林希嘅如此留言,在此分享:
*****
一年前妈妈在新加坡听朋友说槟州政府将发放乐龄回馈金给合格的乐龄人。
妈妈就兴致勃勃的从新回槟，只为了登记，到时就可领取乐龄回馈金，
妈妈身上不缺钱，她也不是一个贪小便宜的人，我们想不通为什么老妈子会为了那区区几百元而抛下她疼爱的孙女回槟登记。
（当时谣传回馈金是三千元，我们推测最多是三百元）
妈妈说区区几百元对她来说虽然是不足为道，可他的新加坡朋友就这么对她说：
在Chua Chu Kang卖蛋的陈老伯说“你们的槟州民联政府是在肯定你们多年默默的付出和贡献，才会发放回馈金，
为何不拿？为何不肯定自己的付出和贡献？“
更何况这些都是你们纳税人的血汗钱，
在你拿钱的时候，你同时也在肯定他们的“hard work“
住在Jurong的Aunty Lucy说：“You have been contributed to your country, to Penang state for so many years, it’s time to take, even though is just One Ringgit.”
妈妈新加坡的邻居李先生说“你们的槟州首席部长林冠英一直都在用心的把槟城搞好，就由你们这些乐龄人去肯定他们吧“
妈妈听了觉得很有道理和感到有一点儿自豪，
因为她的新加坡朋友们都在赞扬我们的槟州首席部长。
槟州人民的勇敢，也让我身为槟州子民而感到非常的骄傲。
只可惜我心爱的妈妈已在去年十月车祸意外逝世，
从此永远也拿不到那“温馨“的一百元了.....
*****
2010年3月30日星期二
I have a dream
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
By: Martin Luther King.Jr
*載自American Rhetoric
*馬來西亞,可能嗎?
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
By: Martin Luther King.Jr
*載自American Rhetoric
*馬來西亞,可能嗎?
2009年12月17日星期四
聖誕, 點先可以開心
聖誕?
唔好咁開心住先.
政府送份大禮慶聖誕喎.
唔係santa claus,
係GST is coming to town!
女士們,忘記你地嘅購物慾望嘞.
每買一件嘢收你4%,小姐.
今時今日嘅馬來
油田就快乾塘,人才就要走光,外資就嚟撤退,銀紙就嚟花光,
咪揾你地拎啲錢洗囉..
唔好咁開心住先.
政府送份大禮慶聖誕喎.
唔係santa claus,
係GST is coming to town!
女士們,忘記你地嘅購物慾望嘞.
每買一件嘢收你4%,小姐.
今時今日嘅馬來
油田就快乾塘,人才就要走光,外資就嚟撤退,銀紙就嚟花光,
咪揾你地拎啲錢洗囉..
2009年12月4日星期五
真珠都冇咁真
以下嘅推測極之恐怖.
但粒粒字卻係真珠都冇咁真.
馬來西亞仲有救嗎?
外交部的數字不會騙人，國人大量移居，隱然已出現移民潮。
怪不得！全球航空公司都在虧本賠錢，而馬航和亞航卻一枝獨秀，盈利驚人；
想來，除了旅遊公幹的乘客之外，乘坐移民機的，也是主要客戶。
依照這種趨勢，大馬可以不必擔心人口負擔過重，
我們可以把人口問題，轉嫁給其它國家，讓它們承擔後果，誰叫它們說要吸引人才。
10年後，我們不會再有增建華小問題。
小朋友跟著爸爸媽媽走了，華小董事部和校長老師到處搶學生，
挨家沿戶乞求各族家長送讀。願意報讀者，書本、校服、校車全部免費，
並送最新智慧手機一部；如果簽約讀滿6年，另送18歲之後的移民機票。
馬華公會也不會再有黨爭。馬華黨員遍佈全球，
可以開設悉尼分會、東莞分會、雅加達分會、溫哥華分會……；
香港有港島、九龍和新界分會，
新加坡則從兀蘭到聖淘沙，廣設30分會，有望取代現在執政的人民行動黨，成為該國最大黨。
人走了，房子就多了。
於是，吉隆坡黃金地段的高級公寓，價格將從每方尺1000令吉，下滑至500令吉；
八打靈再也的雙層排屋，從每棟50萬令吉，跌至25萬令吉；
到時，能夠撿現成的便宜，要多大的屋子都有。
還有，車子少了，空氣清新了，污染改善了；
不會再有廟宇教堂問題，也不用爭種族問題（華人改為KKK――Khoo Kay Kim一族）。
馬來西亞，成為最適合人類居住的國家。
當然，我們也可以從更正常的角度預測未來。
人走了，資金流出去了，工廠遷出去了，商店關門了，超級市場人潮沒了，
金馬崙高原不種菜了，巴也明光不養豬了……。
這讓我想到非洲的津巴布韋。
30年前，它的名字還是羅德西亞，一個由白人精英領導的非洲黑人國家。
後來，黑人領袖穆加比推翻白人政權，從此黑人當家做主。
這個發展符合民主規律，絕對是政治正確。
一個黑人佔人口多數的國家，不可能交由白人主導。
問題出在穆加比上台之後，推行民粹主義，排斥少數白人居民，
通過各種手段，巧取豪奪社會資源，把白人徹底邊緣化。
白人失去了礦場和農莊，沒有了商店和土地，只好大量移民，離開津巴布韋。
結果，津巴布韋的經濟崩潰，通貨膨脹230,000,000%，失業率80%，民不聊生；
政治動蕩，黑人政客當權，極度腐敗；
公共衛生解體，人民平均壽命是37歲，成年人之中，有40%患上愛滋病。
分配驅逐了競爭，扶助取代了績效，優惠淘汰了公平。
民粹和種族政治的結果，就是走上津巴布韋的後路。
文章載自: 鄭丁賢‧津巴布韋化
但粒粒字卻係真珠都冇咁真.
馬來西亞仲有救嗎?
外交部的數字不會騙人，國人大量移居，隱然已出現移民潮。
怪不得！全球航空公司都在虧本賠錢，而馬航和亞航卻一枝獨秀，盈利驚人；
想來，除了旅遊公幹的乘客之外，乘坐移民機的，也是主要客戶。
依照這種趨勢，大馬可以不必擔心人口負擔過重，
我們可以把人口問題，轉嫁給其它國家，讓它們承擔後果，誰叫它們說要吸引人才。
10年後，我們不會再有增建華小問題。
小朋友跟著爸爸媽媽走了，華小董事部和校長老師到處搶學生，
挨家沿戶乞求各族家長送讀。願意報讀者，書本、校服、校車全部免費，
並送最新智慧手機一部；如果簽約讀滿6年，另送18歲之後的移民機票。
馬華公會也不會再有黨爭。馬華黨員遍佈全球，
可以開設悉尼分會、東莞分會、雅加達分會、溫哥華分會……；
香港有港島、九龍和新界分會，
新加坡則從兀蘭到聖淘沙，廣設30分會，有望取代現在執政的人民行動黨，成為該國最大黨。
人走了，房子就多了。
於是，吉隆坡黃金地段的高級公寓，價格將從每方尺1000令吉，下滑至500令吉；
八打靈再也的雙層排屋，從每棟50萬令吉，跌至25萬令吉；
到時，能夠撿現成的便宜，要多大的屋子都有。
還有，車子少了，空氣清新了，污染改善了；
不會再有廟宇教堂問題，也不用爭種族問題（華人改為KKK――Khoo Kay Kim一族）。
馬來西亞，成為最適合人類居住的國家。
當然，我們也可以從更正常的角度預測未來。
人走了，資金流出去了，工廠遷出去了，商店關門了，超級市場人潮沒了，
金馬崙高原不種菜了，巴也明光不養豬了……。
這讓我想到非洲的津巴布韋。
30年前，它的名字還是羅德西亞，一個由白人精英領導的非洲黑人國家。
後來，黑人領袖穆加比推翻白人政權，從此黑人當家做主。
這個發展符合民主規律，絕對是政治正確。
一個黑人佔人口多數的國家，不可能交由白人主導。
問題出在穆加比上台之後，推行民粹主義，排斥少數白人居民，
通過各種手段，巧取豪奪社會資源，把白人徹底邊緣化。
白人失去了礦場和農莊，沒有了商店和土地，只好大量移民，離開津巴布韋。
結果，津巴布韋的經濟崩潰，通貨膨脹230,000,000%，失業率80%，民不聊生；
政治動蕩，黑人政客當權，極度腐敗；
公共衛生解體，人民平均壽命是37歲，成年人之中，有40%患上愛滋病。
分配驅逐了競爭，扶助取代了績效，優惠淘汰了公平。
民粹和種族政治的結果，就是走上津巴布韋的後路。
文章載自: 鄭丁賢‧津巴布韋化
2009年11月12日星期四
2009年8月16日星期日
2009年8月6日星期四
2009年8月3日星期一
2009年7月14日星期二
2009年6月16日星期二
2009年6月4日星期四
2009年5月26日星期二
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